U.S. Ambassador to NATO Kurt Volker speaks at NATO
We Need a Strong NATO with a Big Vision
Remarks by
Kurt Volker
U.S. Ambassador to NATO
Norwegian Foreign Policy Institute
Oslo, Norway – August 21, 2008
Good afternoon, and thank you Jan Egeland. It is wonderful to be here. The Dean of my graduate school at George Washington University, Mickey East, was a friend of NUPI.
So I take particular pride in being here in his footsteps.
And before I say anything else, let me say to all of our guests here, thank you. Thank you for the Christmas tree.
Every year, the city of Oslo provides a giant Christmas tree that goes on display in Union Station in Washington, D.C. It is a gorgeous tree that really dresses up the Great Hall of the station. And it is always accompanied by a miniature railroad display showing Christmas in Norway, complete with mountains, and goats, and trolls under the bridges.
It is a wonderful part of Christmas in Washington, and I try to take my two daughters there every year, as do many other families in D.C.
I’ll admit, though – one of the reasons I do this is not just the beautiful decorations, but the hope that my children then develop the same affection for Norway that I have.
I’ve been to Norway several times – to Oslo, Bergen, Trondheim, on the Hurtigruten up to Bodø and Kabelvag, setting foot in the Arctic Ocean, and driving all the way through the Lofoten Islands to Å and back.
You have a stunningly beautiful country, and a warm, friendly, fun-loving country as well.
Not only that, Norway and its Scandinavian neighbors have a deep commitment to fundamental human values – human rights, the rule of law, individual freedom, and democracy.
It is one of the things that unites us across the Atlantic.
It is no surprise to recall that Norway was a founding member of NATO, which was created to protect the nations of Europe and North America that share these values.
And that’s why it should be no surprise that on my first visit abroad as the U.S. Ambassador to NATO, I chose to come to Norway.
I believe in Norway, and during my tenure as Ambassador I want to build the strongest partnership possible, between Norway and the United States building on what is already a very strong foundation.
This close partnership was on display just this past week, as Foreign Minister Støre and Secretary Rice were in close contact to help shape the outcome of the extraordinary NATO meeting that took place on Tuesday.
So tonight, thanks to my Norwegian hosts, I’m heading down to Stavanger to see the Norwegian and NATO facilities there, and the next day to Bodø, to learn from Norway what is happening up in the High North, and how we can work even more closely together.
This has truly been an extraordinary two weeks. The Russian military actions in Georgia mark the beginning of a new chapter in the post-Cold War period.
Because of these events, I didn’t have time to prepare the usual kind of speech for today’s session.
But let me tell you a bit about how those events unfolded for me, and I think it will point the way to some broader conclusions.
My first day on the job at NATO was quite memorable. It was just nine days ago.
I had planned to arrive later – on Monday of this week – but had to come early to be present for an emergency meeting of the North Atlantic Council, followed by a NAC meeting with Georgia.
My flight to Brussels was cancelled – due to a baggage handlers’ strike – so I could only get as close as Amsterdam. I had a car pick me up and take me to Brussels where I arrived just in time for the meetings.
As we met at NATO, thousands of Russian forces were advancing deeper into Georgian territory, French President Sarkozy was on his way to Moscow to meet with President Medvedev, and Foreign Minister Kouchner was working on the first ceasefire agreement with President Saakashvili.
The Russians, however, were talking about needing to remove President Saakashvili from office.
I thought NATO should have issued a clear statement that day, calling for a ceasefire and withdrawal of forces, but NATO was still just waking up from summer holidays, and nations had different perspectives on what was happening in Georgia, so we could only authorize the Secretary General to go address the media.
I then spent several hours talking with the media myself, because of the high level of interest in Georgia, and only set foot in my residence in Brussels for the first time after 9:00 p.m.
And then the phone rang, and it was Secretary Rice’s Executive Assistant telling me that she had just spoken with Secretary General de Hoop Scheffer and wanted to have a special NATO Foreign Ministers’ meeting on Monday or Tuesday.
So I got back on the phone and started setting those wheels in motion.
So that was my first day.
The week that followed gave us a ceasefire agreement, which was later clarified in additional documents from the French EU Presidency, but a withdrawal that has still not been implemented.
When NATO Foreign Ministers met on Tuesday, they issued what I consider to be the strongest, multilateral statement yet about the situation.
Among the elements they agreed:
- Full support for the ceasefire negotiated by the French.
- Urging Russia to keep its word and withdraw forces as agreed.
- Unequivocal support for Georgia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.
- Concern and condolences to the victims of the conflict.
- Support assistance to Georgia, including humanitarian aid, and a package of measures to be taken by NATO to assess the damage.
- Reiteration of the Bucharest Summit decision that Georgia will eventually become a member of NATO, and that we will review the state of play in December, taking account of developments until that time.
- Creation of a new NATO-Georgia Commission to coordinate these efforts, as well as follow up to the Bucharest decision.
- And an expression of deep concern over Russia’s use of brute military force in the territory of a neighboring country – a situation that causes us to review our relationship with Russia and makes clear there can be no business as usual as long as this is going on.
This was a big step from that first day at NATO one week earlier.
Let me expand on two aspects of these decisions – our support for Georgia, and our approach to dealing with Russia.
First, Georgia is a sovereign, democratic country. The people of Georgia have a right to build their own democracy, to build a strong economy, to live in peace and security, to integrate in the wider Euro-Atlantic community, and to choose their own security orientation. Just like the people of Poland, or the Czech Republic, or the United States, or Norway. No other country has a right to oversee Georgia, and no one should take away their right to choose.
NATO was founded on exactly this principle – the right of nations to protect their own freedom. Georgia is of course not a member of NATO, so we have no Article 5 obligations to collective defense of Georgia.
But NATO cannot help but be concerned when we see Russia use military force to impose on a sovereign country like Georgia.
That is especially true when you consider that NATO counts among its members 10 new members from Central and Eastern Europe who have very strong views about Russia using force to assert a sphere of influence in neighboring states.
Just for a moment, let’s think of ourselves in the position of the Baltic States, which had been forcibly incorporated into the Soviet Union, or the Central European states that had imposed communist systems and were part of the Warsaw Pact.
For them, the events of the past two weeks are particularly chilling.
And for these states, we do have a solemn, Article 5 defense commitment. No one should doubt that commitment.
And if we look at these countries today – their strong democracies, their growing prosperity, their membership in the EU, and their fundamental sense of security – it is clear that NATO membership was the right step to take when we took it.
And regarding NATO enlargement, it is important to stress that NATO is a defensive Alliance that protects its members, all of which are democracies, but threatens no one.
There is no zero sum between NATO and Russia, where a gain for one is a loss for the other.
Rather, NATO helps create space where people can build healthy and prosperous democracies. And these democratic states are in turn good for their own people, good for the neighborhood, good for Europe, good for Russia.
A second observation, about Russia. We want to have a productive, cooperative relationship with Russia – both bilaterally, and through NATO.
We genuinely believe that NATO and Russia have many common interests, and should work together to address them. Counter-terrorism, counter-narcotics, and missile defense are just a few examples.
But this cooperation needs to be based on working with a Russia that respects its neighbors.
As NATO ministers determined on Tuesday, we cannot simply go on with business as usual in our relations with Russia while Russia continues to occupy Georgian territory, destroy its infrastructure, and divide a sovereign country.
As Foreign Minister Støre has said, this behavior is simply unacceptable.
We do not seek confrontation with Russia – quite the contrary. But neither can we look the other way when Russia invades a neighbor.
As I indicated at the beginning of my remarks, I think the events of the past two weeks illustrate some broader conclusions.
First, Europe and North America really are a single democratic community, defined by shared commitment to human values.
Also this week we had Taleban attacks in Afghanistan, press freedoms challenged in Beijing, continued suffering in Darfur... in this world, Europe and North America do have something special in common.
Second, while the Cold War is over, threats to our democratic, transatlantic community have not gone away.
They have changed, to be sure. And in other days, we would be talking about terrorism, and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and the consequences of failed states.
Today, we also have to think about the use of military force on European soil, energy security, cyber attacks.
Third, because of this, Europe and North America still need a strong NATO. We need a modern NATO. One not rooted in old-thinking of the past, not one based on a narrow perspective on security rooted solely in nuclear deterrence and conventional weapons.
But one able to deal with the security challenges we face today and in the future – one with a comprehensive approach to security, integrating civil and military approaches, and building societies like Afghanistan so Taleban-hosted terrorist threats do not reemerge, while still standing with those who want to protect their own freedom.
And fourth, this NATO needs to have a vision big enough to accommodate both the unwavering support for a Europe whole, free and at peace, and a relationship with Russia and any others in the world who will join with us in building a more peaceful, stable, secure, and prosperous world.
For the moment, our hand is forced. Russia’s actions in the past two weeks challenge the premises of our cooperation with Russia up to this point.
We need Russia to withdraw its forces from Georgia and implement the ceasefire agreement and related undertakings.
But our larger vision must be one of building a democratic Europe while working together with Russia – hopefully, a democratic Russia – that wants to play a constructive role as a partner in the international community.
So, the United States and Norway are part of a democratic community that still faces threats, and we need a strong NATO, with a big vision.
Thank you, and I’d be delighted to hear your comments and answer any questions.
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